#21. Speaker of the House Pete Schwartzkopf (14th RD).
The District: The 14th Rd became a Sussex County District following the 2002 redistricting. It had previously been a blue-collar Elsmere-based district. Schwartzkopf has held the seat since its inception, having initially defeated Michael Meoli in the 2002 General Election, 4530-3932. His only other tough challenge came in 2010, where he overcame the Sussex surge for Christine O’Donnell, by defeating Christopher Weeks, 6425-5526. The district should still be considered a swing district, with 7540 D’s; 6431 R’s; and 4321 I’s. Unlike most of the rest of Sussex County, however, the D’s here tend to vote D, and the Tea Party influence is not as pronounced. There is a large and active gay community in the district, and Schwartzkopf has been a strong supporter of equal rights. This is an extreme easternmost district that encompasses portions of Lewes and most of Rehoboth. All of it is to the east of Route 1. Here’s the map (PDF). Obama edged Romney in 2012 in the 14th, 6398-6232. While I haven’t checked, I’d bet that the 14th is the only Sussex RD to vote for Obama, making it the most unlike Sussex of all the Sussex districts.
Pete Schwartzkopf ran for the 14th RD seat following a 25-year career with the Delaware State Police. Police captain and troop commander. As we have learned, this is not an uncommon career path for Delaware politicos. In his youth, he was a lifeguard at Delaware beaches. During his early legislative years, Schwartzkopf also had a security gig at the Delaware State Fair, but apparently ran afowl afoul of Senator Thurman Adams, which ended the moonlighting. He now calls himself a full-time legislator, and indeed he is.
When I started the 62 Project, I had Pete Schwartzkopf ranked 13th on my initial list. That was largely because I thought that he, as House Majority Leader, effectively pushed through key progressive bills, including civil unions. He also was able to get the at-the-time controversial ‘revenue enhancement’ package through a fractured House. This helped balance the budget during the early Markell years. He wasn’t afraid to use legislative power to get things done. While I didn’t always admire his tactics, I respected the results. The role of House Majority Leader requires tough tactics in tough times.
However, as Speaker of the House, Schwartzkopf has governed as if he were still Majority Leader. Aided and abetted by an equally-enthusiastic, though far less skilled, arm-breaker, Valerie Longhurst. Pete not only handpicked Longhurst to be his successor, he insisted that they both be elected as a team or he would not serve as Speaker. Uh, I wonder if he’d be willing, or in any position, to make the same demand today. Put simply, Pete Schwartzkopf is in danger of being a one-term Speaker, and not because the D’s are in any way facing the loss of the House chamber.
Schwartzkopf’s term as speaker has been defined by his abandonment of the House as a harmonious institution where legislators and staff generally like and respect each other, and work as a team. He, instead, has opted for fear. Punishing those who opposed him. Keeping staff walking on eggshells while treating them as if they are unnecessary and eminently-replaceable. There can be no other explanation as to why he does this other than it reflects his personality and experience. This approach is so far removed from his predecessors, Lonnie George, Chuck Hebner, Brad Barnes, Terry Spence, and Bob Gilligan, just to take it back to 1982, that it either reflects a conscious change or a complete lack of understanding of what makes the institution work. He has destroyed the institutional comity, which is a tragedy. He has also buried progressive bills in unfavorable committees, like minimum wage and death penalty repeal.
Which is why he’s dropped to #21 on this list. He deserves ample props for his legislative leadership up until his time as speaker. Equal rights for all is a landmark accomplishment, and Pete played a huge role in bringing that to fruition.
However, this is the Pete(r) Principle at work. Bob Gilligan was an effective and admired Speaker. Schwartzkopf was an effective Majority Leader. Pete Schwartzkopf appears to lack the judgment, temperament, or affinity to the institution, to serve as Speaker. Barring some real soul-searching, he could well be one and done. On merit.
#41. Rep. Joe Miro (22nd RD).
The District: One of the few remaining New Castle County RD’s where an R has a reasonable chance. This Hockessin/White Clay Creek-based district (here’s the map) has a marginal R registration edge. Razor-thin, actually. 6588 D’s; 6794 R’s; and 5234 I’s. While many of the registered D’s no doubt are those who switched their registration to vote for Jack Markell, voters in the 22nd voted for Obama over Romney by a 6947-6586 margin. As close to a traditional (aka non-Tea Party) swing district as you’ll find in Delaware. In 2012, portions of the 22nd effectively merged with portions of the 20th following redistricting, which had the impact of eliminating one R Rep District (the 20th, moved to Sussex County, currently represented by Steve Smyk) in New Castle County. The two incumbents, Miro and Nick Manolakos, faced off against each other in a primary, which Miro won by a 977-630 margin. This principally reflects the fact that Miro had previously represented more of the constituents in the newly-drawn district than Manolakos had.
Rep. Joe Miro has had a long and distinguished career. Then he became a legislator. 31 years as a foreign languages teacher in Delaware public schools (1970-2001). Starting in 1992, he added New Castle County Councilman to his resume, and became a state representative in 1998, replacing the retiring Joe Petrilli. Petrilli, of course, didn’t retire, just became one of Dover’s most powerful lobbyists. (Trivia question: Who did Miro defeat in the 1998 R primary for State Rep?) Keep reading for the answer.
Miro has been a moderate R, and played a key role in helping to pass legislation prohibiting talking on a cellphone while driving. However, he voted against civil unions (in contrast to his future primary opponent, Nick Manolakos), against the minimum wage increase, and, of course, against marriage equality.
So, when defining Miro as a moderate, one is simply contrasting him with the increasing ‘crazy’ of the Republican Party. He has become more conservative and more doctrinaire in his votes as he’s aged. He, like Deborah Hudson, could well be the final vestiges of what once was a flourishing Republican Party in New Castle County. With Miro likely facing a three-way race against Democrat John MacKenzie and Libertarian Steve Newton, 2014 could possibly be his swan song.
Time for that trivia question answer: In 1998, Miro defeated Mike Ramone, 751-582. Now you know. Now I go.